Andy Burnham outlines premiership vision: decentralisation and reindustrialisation

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MANCHESTER — Andy Burnham painted the first broad strokes of his premiership on Monday — and it might be the closest look Brits get before he takes power.

In a domestic-focused speech at a museum of left-wing political activism in Manchester, Britain’s presumptive next PM pledged to decentralize power from Whitehall, reindustrialize England’s forgotten towns and give the state a bigger role in housing, utilities and infrastructure.

Burnham took no questions from the media and plans only a handful of big interventions between now and entering No. 10, none of which will be heavy on detailed policy, said a person with knowledge of his plans who was granted anonymity to speak frankly.

This is deliberate; aides want to introduce Burnham to the public after nine years away from Westminster, as he takes power without an election.

His broad-brush approach contrasts, though, with the aides working frantically to put a detailed program together behind the scenes. Formal “access talks” are under way between Burnham’s team and the civil service, two people with knowledge of them confirmed; his chief of staff James Purnell is playing a leading role. Former minister Miatta Fahnbulleh is also helping Burnham pull together policy ideas from think tanks, MPs and left-wing activists.

It has left Burnham essentially airing his thoughts in real time without showing his working. The message to diplomats, industry and a hungry media is: just give us time.

Burnham’s book in speech form

The outgoing mayor of Greater Manchester is set to become Britain’s seventh prime minister in a decade on July 20 following Keir Starmer’s resignation, after a Labour Party leadership contest in which he is likely to be the only candidate.

He vowed on Monday to “rewire” Britain and implement “the biggest change in our lifetimes to the way the country is run.”

Yet Burnham fleshed out little policy detail in his 40-minute address, which he gave at a blank wooden lectern with no branding. While he made his priorities clear and shed some light on his intentions — including a new outpost of 10 Downing Street in Manchester — the speech was largely an overarching vision of a nation of “hope” and “possibility.” Almost quoting John Lennon, he asked the audience to “imagine.”

Much of Burnham’s speech was a spoken version of his 2024 book “Head North,” which railed against Whitehall “bullying” of local government and the “50 or so people who run our country,” many of them unelected civil servants and political advisers.

He also had light disdain for the Westminster journalists at the back of the room. Burnham name-checked the BBC’s political editor as he dismissed speculation about who will be his finance minister, promising only to announce jobs at the “end of this process.”

But above all was a pledge to give up power from Whitehall — an unusual first act for a PM.

Burnham promised regional leaders more control over infrastructure, housing, utilities, reindustrialization and the welfare state while a “more streamlined” Whitehall focuses on growth and regeneration.

Some of this would be done through a “No. 10 North” in Manchester, he pledged. Its location and scale are not yet confirmed — although Burnham plans to have a deputy No. 10 chief of staff based in the outpost, said a person familiar with the planning. Aides are examining options for sites that are already under government control.

Some of the ideas he put forward in “Head North” have been dialed back. While his book suggested “removing” the whipping system that enforces discipline for members of parliament, Burnham’s speech was more nuanced — saying he will let MPs be “authentic representatives” for their area and not use the system to “create fear or close down debate.”

(One ally suggested this language was aimed at Labour MPs who will begin nominating their next PM next week — aides to Burnham want a rush of backers on the first day.)

Likewise, Burnham’s book and speech alike said the government should be geared around achieving equivalent living conditions in all parts of Britain using a German-style basic law. But unlike his book, his speech did not propose a written constitution, which would tie him up in wrangling over its shape.

Other key planks of the book — replacing the House of Lords with a Senate of Nations and Regions, and moving to a proportional voting system — were not mentioned at all. Nor did Burnham’s speech touch on migration, foreign policy or defense priorities (though a foreign future policy speech is in the works.)

Huge questions unanswered

There were areas where Burnham sketched out the destination but not the route.

Like the outgoing Keir Starmer, he promised to extend his horizons across a decade. His key ally Louise Haigh, the left-wing former Cabinet minister, has suggested this could be done by changing the Treasury’s rolling five-year fiscal forecasts to 10-year ones. Burnham did not get into that level of detail.

Similarly, Haigh has called for the Treasury’s functions to be split up with some budgeting powers handed to No. 10. Burnham appeared to hint at this — saying the push for growth will “be driven through the prime minister’s office” — but did not say it explicitly.

Other areas needed deciphering. Burnham promised “the biggest council house building program since the post-war period,” after millions of state-funded homes were sold off under Margaret Thatcher’s right-to-buy policies. Aides later clarified that he meant the biggest program since the end of the post-war period — not since the end of the Second World War in 1945.

Burnham’s book said all parts of England need a devolution deal by 2034; his speech was looser on timelines. His aides are looking at letting regional authorities keep and reinvest 100 percent of the income tax they generate in their area, but Burnham did not go this far (he said he would reform business rates).

He was more aspirational than concrete in his ambition to “give Britain some breathing space as soon as I can” on the cost of living. He did not say if he meant reducing taxes, when he might do that, or whether the public finances would allow him to do it at all.

There was hard policy, albeit without the detail yet of how hard and fast Burnham will go. He promised that public sector contracts, including in defense, would undergo a “proper social value weighting” test and pledged a “much greater” volume of 45-day work placements and apprenticeships. He promised to adopt a Finnish-style “housing first philosophy,” which offers rental housing to homeless people. He pledged “greater public control of essential services like water, housing, energy and transport,” though he stopped short of saying this would mean nationalization.

There was also a hard edge to his aspirational rhetoric: “While the political direction I set is not up for negotiation, I will build an inclusive team at the very highest level,” he said.

Not like Starmer

Burnham’s soft-launch signals his first few weeks will look different to Starmer’s ascent to power in July 2024.

Starmer had four years as leader and a painful policy process before he entered No. 10. Burnham’s allies are working quicker than they hoped — many only wanted to take power in September.

And while Starmer hit the ground running in July 2024 with a NATO summit and a flurry of initial press releases, Burnham will take office on the first Monday of a six-week parliamentary recess. That means opportunities to question him — or his No. 10 operation — will be thin.

But those around Burnham will see being different as a good thing. Starmer’s initial burst included policy blunders and soon gave way to a sense that he was unprepared for power.

Even the vibe is more relaxed; unlike the suited-up, deliberative Starmer, Burnham gave his speech Monday in a black T-shirt under a suit jacket, swapping the autocue for a breezy charm. He was, as he put it, like a nightclub DJ firing up the crowd.

Burnham opened his speech with the words: “Are you ready for this?” Many are still asking him exactly that question.